The Bedouin Challenge: Tradition Meets Sustainability

During our visit to Jordan, we had the opportunity to experience Bedouin culture in several different contexts. Our first contact was with a Bedouin municipality in central Jordan, where we met with leaders of two local tribal societies who had formed a cooperative to address critical issues such as water scarcity, land stewardship and social welfare that have threatened the very existence of the Bedouins. The Bedouin as a whole are comprised of hundreds of tribes who travel nomadically in the region of Jordan, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Syria. As with indigenous people all over the world, their existence has been threatened by politics, globalization and the realities of life in 2010, with traditional values giving way to gradual, grudging acceptance of modernization.

Later that same day, spending time in the tents of Bedouin, with the women segregated in one section and the men in another, as we did in an encampment near Feynan, I had the sense of viewing a lifestyle that had changed only slightly in the past hundreds of years. The tent’s tarpaulin roof was supported by smooth, honed wooden poles and the floor was composed of colorful rugs and blankets smoothly laid on the desert floor. Our hosts welcomed us with all the warmth that the Bedouin tradition prescribed – ‘three days of welcome before they ask your name, after that they may ask your name and choose whether to welcome you further.’ This was the mantra and I loved hearing it said over and over like a prayer. We had sweet, bitter tea and spoke in low tones and it was so easy to pretend away the centuries. It saddens me greatly, as it does so many others, to think of this disappearing— so the challenge continues, find a way for the Bedouin to endure and not become an anachronism. Find a way for sustainability and for the maverick beauty that they represent to so many to make sense in our century.

In this particular region, pooling resources has allowed the tribal societies to share funding and expertise, as well as to collaborate on the essential efforts of schools, health centers, charitable societies and a women’s center. These facilities represent ‘resettlement,’ an effort that is fraught with contradictions for an indigenous people whose very lifestyle has been defined by nomadic tradition. The Bedouin tribes have traveled the deserts and arid lands of this region for thousands of years , living out of tents using intimate knowledge of the land and environment to farm and support their livestock.

Understanding the particular needs of the Bedouins is notoriously difficult, bordering on impossible for outsiders; and the leaders of the cooperative explained that volunteers were scarce. The representative who spoke to our group was frank – those who did volunteer either left after a short period of time or developed programs that didn’t meet the particular needs of the community. As he explained, the educational system has been so poor for so long that teachers had to come from the outside – the community itself had been unable to produce its own instructors.

Because the Bedouins are indigenous not, as most would assume, rural, the cultural nuances are extremely difficult to grasp. The Bedouin representative explained with a great deal of passion that the people of this region have different needs from any other people in any other region in Jordan. He claimed that programs targeted at rural populations assume a desire to economically improve oneself in a material way. But the Bedouin “do not want iPods” – he explained – they want access to water, health care and education. His description of the scope of their needs was plain: agricultural training and greater economic access to markets. The Bedouin creed, as explained to us by every Bedouin we met at every stop along our journey, is to live lightly on the land. A week later at the Ministry of Agriculture, we were told a story that we were assured was true of Bedouins who had beautiful concrete block homes built for them by the government – only to have the government find a year later that it was the goats living in the house and the people right back outside in the tents again. Who can say what is fact and what is fiction? But all can agree that the problem is a difficult one – great need and tiny resources.

These tribes, according to their own calculations, are farming only 2,000 acres of the 10,000 available due to the extreme water shortage in Jordan. Jordan ranks near the bottom in the world in terms of water shortage – a ranking that is unlikely to change for the better anytime soon given the world’s climate change trends. By tradition, the Bedouin grow the water intensive crops of tomatoes and melons. The math doesn’t appear to work. Dramatic changes in agricultural methodology and crop selection seem necessary for permanent sustainability.

The Bedouin host at the tent where our group had tea had a clear message to send back to Amman – they were thirsty, he said. The black piping we saw in the arid desert seemed like an impossible means of conducting enough water for a family, much less livestock and crops, but somehow he and his family were living off of it.



There are creative and sustainable solutions still possible, and one of those was at the other end of that black water piping. The Bedouin family and tribe driving and hosting our group took us to our night’s lodgings at Feynan Ecolodge – an innovative nonprofit hotel that uses profits from its programs to support both the Dana Biosphere Reserve where it is located and “to sustain the cultural integrity of the local people by hiring members of the community.” Feynan had been developed by Chris Johnson, who has created similar efforts in other areas of natural beauty around Jordan, in original cooperation with Muntaha Sayyad, who is a volunteer for one of our sponsors, the Jordanian Alliance Against Hunger, and who had been accompanying us on our travels. Feynan paid the Bedouin women to use their traditional skills to create stunning handicrafts, which were then sold in the lodge’s gift shop. It is an innovative and successful concept and though probably not a solution on a large scale, it is the kind of thinking necessary if sustainability is to be built over the long-term.

by Camaro Elliott Powers

Photo credits: Camaro Elliott Powers; Feynan Ecolodge photo property of Feynan Ecolodge

The Barriers of Refugee Service in the U.S. and Jordan

We took a trip to Jordan with a group of students with a variety of backgrounds in the nonprofit sector. Several students had present work in refugee service organizations, including Heartland Alliance , World Relief, and Catholic Charities. The definition of a refugee includes those peoples that fear for themselves in being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, and membership of a particular social group or political opinion. A person in this situation is considered a refugee because they are unwilling or able to return to their home country. Learning about the challenges on the U.S. side of refugee relations as compared to refugee populations and service organizations in-country allowed us to preview a perspective on the challenges, successes, and gaps in the situation of refugees who navigate a complex system.

According to our classmates, 2,500 refugees are settled each year in Illinois. In the United States, 80,000 refugees are allowed to enter the United States a year. Many of these refugees are Palestinian or Iraqi. Some of these issues that face service managers in refugee organizations include lack of funding for the organizations who serve refugees, lack of funding for refugees entering the U.S., and lack of a unified, informative system to prepare and resettle refugees in the United States. Another issue involved the minuscule amount of background information received by the refugee service worker in the U.S.

Refugee service workers understand that there are numerous barriers presented to a refugee from any given area of the world, and they experience these challenges as well. A refugee becomes integrated at any time into 3 societies. They have their home country, a 2^nd country (often temporarily), and then finally, they experience the shock of becoming permanently resettled in a 3^rd country. Many of these refugees come from a variety of social, economic, and educational backgrounds, making the barriers to employment even more challenging. While many refugees from areas such as Iraq often have high educational backgrounds, they often cannot be placed into high paying careers due to their refugee status. Medical doctors from Iraq, for instance, must complete a long, expensive certification process to be accepted by the medical community in the U.S. Refugees experiencing culture shock find themselves going trough a range of emotions: elation, fear, anxiety, disappointment, and sometimes angry and grief.

In order to understand the challenges faced by refugees, it is first important to understand how the refugee navigates the system of receiving their status and how they end up to be in a 2^nd or 3^rd country. The United States High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was created on January 1, 1951 in order to help assist refugees who were displaced during World War II. With the realization of a burgeoning refugee population from countries in and outside of Europe, the agency set as its mission to aid refugees worldwide. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), another UN agency, was a mandate created in December 1949 to offer aid relief to Palestinian refugees who were displaced during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Both agencies continue to work for the protection and assistance of refugees in Jordan. They also face numerous funding challenges and availability of resources to aid refugees. These organizations assist the refugee through numerous interviews, security background checks, medical check-ups, and paperwork completion.

During our trip we had the opportunity to visit the UNHCR, UNWRA, and also the International Organization for Migration, or IOM. Our visits brought to light the obstacles the agencies have in dealing with economic and natural resource stresses and how it relates to the refugee situation. In Jordan, a country in the middle “of the Middle East” as Dr. Tavanti stated, is in a strategic yet difficult geographical location. They have accepted Palestinian refugees on an ideological and cultural stance to help their Arab brothers and sisters for nearly 60 years. They have also invited Iraqi refugees into the country as of 2003, but have not granted them refugee status, but instead refer to Iraqis as “guests”. This important reference is a symbol of the stresses that have put all refugees in a very delicate position in Jordan. The country has a population of nearly 6 million people, will have by 2001 nearly ½ million refugees of Iraqi and other descent. In addition, the UNHCR has registered almost 1 million Palestinian refugees. The fact that a large population of the country consists of refugees, Jordan has been searching for ways to support such a population even though there is a severe water and natural resource shortage, and that most of their income comes from international aid.

The system that a refugee faces when registering for resettlement is complicated, bureaucratic, and often overwhelming. Our experience visiting the IOM, an organization that works in partnership with UNHCR, was unique and eye opening. The organization believes that refugees should experience a humane migration, that their dignity and well-being should be a priority, and that social and economic development should be encouraged. This organization, like may others have been facing the challenges of staff shortage to deal with the increasing number of refugee interviews for Iraqi citizens, they receive irregular UNHCR referrals due to different fiscal years, and they receive unpredictable delays of the granting of Visas for refugees who sometimes wait for months or years for them. The difficulty in obtaining comprehensive information and preparatory trainings for the refugees seriously affects the service they receive at U.S. refugee organizations. As I noted before, monetary restraints and pressures to find a job within a short period make it difficult to settle refugees quickly. Often times, they are not fully prepared by the UN agencies or organizations because of a difficult process. The IOM tries to prepare refugees for the realities in the settling country, but it is often difficult to fully prepare individuals for resettlement.

Finally, it is these factors that one must take into account when understanding what it means to be a refugee and also what it means to be a service manager in the field. Advocacy and lobbying are an important part of what can change the system for refugees. These organizations and agencies rely heavily on international governmental funding. Uneven and unpredictable funding during certain time periods restrains organizations for the full preparation that goes into resettlement whether it is psychological, physical, economic or social. Workers in this field are often pushed to their limits of aid and face these aspects of culture shock and trauma. Further improvement of the system of evaluating refugee needs, securing steady funding for programs, improving intercultural and psychological preparedness trainings, and providing adequate training to refugee service managers can further improve the system. In the case of Jordan, and the Middle East, the United States and European Nations must address these challenges and find solutions as they are an integral part to refugee resettlement.

Naomi Czerwinskyj IPS Jordan Trip Summer 2010

Experience at the UNHCR: On the Topic of the Jordanian Government

The staff at the UNHCR office provided us valuable information on the nature of the Iraqi refugee situation in Jordan and they explained the UNHCR’s role in protecting and initiating the resettlement process for the Iraqi population there. It was incredibly helpful to learn about the political dimensions of the situation. This information gave me a better sense of the situation and challenges that the government faces from an influx of refugees. The level of coordination that needs to take place in order to respond to this situation is incredible; the government has to be able to mobilize resources from governments, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), and international and national organizations.

Although the government of Jordan did not sign the 1951 Refugee Convention, or have any policies regarding the protection refugees, they coordinate with organizations like the UNHCR to address the refugee situation in Jordan. The way that the government has responded to the Iraqi refugees is an example of how they observed “the right to refuge or protection [as] a genuine and non-derogable Arab practice” (Abou-El-Wafa 2009, 30). UNHCR staff explained that the integration of 500,000 refugees is not an option for the government, and so Iraqis are labeled as guests in their country to emphasize their temporary stay in Jordan. Consequently they do not have a legal status. This constituted a light bulb moment: this was the reason why the Palestinian refugees were distinguished from the Iraqi refugees in our previous discussions.

This meeting made me realize how crucial partnerships between the sectors really are. I can’t see how the government of Jordan could have responded to this situation alone. Considering a government is not likely to have budgets, infrastructure, processes or resources available to absorb an unexpected influx of refugees, the unpreparedness only aggravates the scale of issue and the need for collaboration to mobilize resources from wherever they may be available. A response time would depend on the lag between when the government would actually realize the influx of refugees, and able to quantify their numbers, to when they would able to act on a plan they put together (that is, if they are doing something other than putting them in detention centers). Needless to say it was an overwhelming experience.

The visit to the International Office of Migration (IOM) further clarified the processes that need to take place in order to resettle refugees, and where it picks up from where the government left off.

I had the opportunity to talk to Sireen, one of the UNHCR staff. We discussed the fact that Jordan had not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention and how the government was responding to the Iraqi refugee situation. She responded with conviction and passion when she said that the government wasn’t just deporting the refugees out of the country because these were individuals with real lives, families, and struggles. Sylvia mentioned how the U.S. deported many Cubans back to Cuba even though they were political refugees. It made me feel embarrassed. Sireen’s response was a good example of the Arab focus on the human dimension (Nydell 2006, 30). I was impressed by her assertive tone, which to me implied that deportation was not a humane option.

On Hospitality

The experience of spending a few weeks abroad in the Global South—whether in the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, or Asia—very often elicits from Westerners like me a sense of astonishment at how individuals who live on very little, with per capita incomes a tiny fraction of our own, are so generous toward relative strangers. That reaction—“they have so little, but they’re so happy, and so willing to share”—has become almost a cliché, the customary tribute to the hospitality that is so engrained in the culture of most of the world but not (at least not to the same extent) in the United States.

Having recently returned from three weeks in the Middle East, I find myself reflecting again on the theme of hospitality. I’d often be asked where I was from; given my country’s reputation in the region, I considered lying, but when I responded honestly that I was from the United States, I was almost invariably greeted with a “you are welcome.” That phrase was more than empty words: despite the fact that I could barely mumble “hello” in Arabic, individuals previously unknown to me went out of their way over and over again to make me feel welcome. I’ve never been offered so many cups of mint-infused tea and cardamom-laced coffee as in the three weeks I spent in Jordan, Egypt, and Palestine. Food, likewise, was placed in front of me in such abundant supply that more than once I stuffed myself with the appetizers, unaware that there were plates full of meat on the way.

The Bedouin—the nomadic indigenous people of the region, many of whom continue to live in simple tents in the desert, with fewer material trappings than anyone I have ever encountered in all my globetrotting—perhaps exemplify this hospitality best. Their tradition, we were told, was to provide food and lodging to any stranger for three days without even asking the person’s name. While I did not test out the three day rule, my brief visits to Bedouin camps in both the Sinai Peninsula and in southern Jordan inspired my admiration for these strong, quintessentially hospitable people.

Back in the United States, hospitality means something very different. We call our friends hospitable when they serve us a nice meal or allow us to stay overnight in their guest bedroom. Real hospitality, though, if we trace its etymology, means not just kindness toward our friends, but “loving the stranger.” Many faith traditions uphold this idea—my own faith teaches that, by welcoming in a stranger, I might unknowingly be entertaining angels, or even Christ himself. If we’re honest, though, many of us would not even answer the door if a stranger came knocking, and we’re more likely to call the police than to offer a total stranger a bed to sleep on and a hot meal. We have a lot to learn from the Arab culture and its focus on hospitality.

I’ve encountered this sort of hospitality in other parts of the world—in the Philippines, in Nicaragua, in Cuba—but what really struck me in Jordan, and captured my imagination, was the way that hospitality there goes beyond the interpersonal level and is practiced at the societal and governmental levels. In the wake of the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, which many Arabs consider “the catastrophe,” Jordan began receiving into its borders thousands upon thousands of displaced Palestinian refugees. Three score later, these Palestinian refugees and their children have actually become more numerous in Jordan than “native” Jordanians. Jordan granted most of these refugees citizenship, and, while holding out hope that they will one day return to their homeland, the Palestinian people have gradually integrated into Jordanian society, enriching it in many ways but also placing further stress on limited water and food resources. While not entirely without tension—a small percentage of the Palestinians, those who fled Gaza in 1967, are still not citizens, and Palestinians are actually under-represented in Jordanian democracy due to their concentration in the capital city—the kingdom of Jordan has, for the most part, received the Palestinian people as brothers and sisters.

It is almost incomprehensible to imagine the United States—or any Western country—responding to a parallel situation in similar fashion. Suppose that, nearly overnight, the First Nations people of Canada, upset that their land was taken from them centuries ago by European colonists, successfully lobbied for and received a mandate from the United Nations to expel all Canadians of European descent, such that most of Canada’s 34 million citizens poured over their southern border into the United States. While most Americans do not have a particular antipathy toward the Canadian people—we share many cultural similarities and a common language, just as the Palestinians do with the Jordanians—Americans would not possibly tolerate such a huge number of new refugees. We think ourselves generous to accept 80,000 refugees per year, and even that is not without grumblings from certain circles that refugees are stealing jobs from Americans.

The Jordanian society presumed (and hoped) that their reception of Palestinian refugees would be temporary—and continue to hold on to that hope—but, in the meantime, they have folded most Palestinians into their political system. Imagine the potential effect—and the outcry—if the U.S. were to naturalize almost all Canadians into American citizens and voters, skewing electoral politics in favor programs like the government-run healthcare system that is popular in Canada but, as the recent healthcare debate in the United States has demonstrated, would not presently please a majority of Americans.

While Americans may think of themselves as generous, we could learn a lot from a society like Jordan. Those of us who recognize hospitality as a virtue would do well to strive to live it—both on a personal level and as a society.

Iraqi Refugees & the Mental Health Crisis in Jordan

Iraqi refugees in Jordan face the triple threat of isolation, insecurity, and inadequate resources – all contributing factors to the high rates of mental illness and distress found within the population. Many of the Iraqi refugees in Jordan have been exposed to considerable trauma and generalized violence in their home country. Upon entering Jordan, they face an existence characterized by an ambiguous legal status, high unemployment, and feelings of societal alienation. The marginalization of the Iraqis can lead to a loss of identity, chronic stress, and depression. Unfortunately, those who do seek counseling find that care comes with high costs and is severely limited by a lack of mental health services.

Estimates for the number of Iraqis currently residing within Jordan range from approximately 450,000 to 750,000. Of this population, roughly seventy-seven percent (77%) entered between 2003 and 2007. Approximately seventy-six percent (76%) of the current population originated in Baghdad and fled to Jordan after violence escalated following the United States invasion of Iraq. The largest waves of migration occurred after the outbreak of the war in 2003 and then again after the bombing of the holy Shi’a Al Askariya shrine in Samarra in February of 2006.

According to the report by International Organization for Migration (IOM) titled, “Assessment on Psychosocial Needs of Iraqis Displaced in Jordan and Lebanon,” over fifty percent (50%) of the 138 Iraqi families interviewed in Jordan displayed eight (8) or more indicators of distress in their new lives. The report notes that over twenty-one percent (21%) of the respondents in Jordan were exposed to trauma in Iraq in the form of kidnapping, torture, rape, and/or being witness to the assassination of friends and family members. For those with a history of trauma, there is a corresponding high rate of depression and anxiety characterized by panic attacks and obsessive thoughts of death.

Mental distress among the Iraqis is further aggravated by their status in Jordanian society. Iraqis in Jordan are not recognized as refugees by the Jordanian government. Officially, Iraqis are considered the “guests” of Jordanians – a term that alludes to the Arabic concepts of hospitality and duty but which also distinguishes them from the Palestinian refugees that Jordan has hosted since 1947. Jordan has never signed The 1951 UN Convention and Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees which establishes the obligations of host nations to provide legal protections and services to asylum seekers. Although Jordan is considered a friendly host nation for Iraqis, the Jordanian government has never passed legislation defining the legal status or protections of Iraqis within its borders. Iraqis entering Jordan usually do so on three (3) to six (6) month visas rather than through an appeal for asylum. Once their visas expire, Iraqis are essentially illegal residents in Jordan. According to the working-paper, “Jordan as a transit country: semi-protectionist immigration policies and their effects on Iraqi forced migrants,” published online through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) website, Iraqi refugees live in fear of deportation to Iraq. Therefore, they do not necessarily seek the assistance of UNHCR by registering as refugees. As of 2008, the UNHCR had only registered 52,192 Iraqi refugees in Jordan.

Iraqi refugees are regularly denied work permits by the Jordanian government due to their status. Consequently, most Iraqi refugees’ livelihoods in Jordan are dependent on intermediate and short-term labor opportunities, cash transfers from abroad, and through selling goods or services. According to the report, “Iraqis in Jordan: Their Number and Characteristics” produced by the Norwegian Research Institute FAFO, approximately seventy percent (70%) of the Iraqi refugees in Jordan are of working age, but only thirty percent (30%) are currently in the labor market. Of those that are working, approximately thirty percent (30%) are self-employed. This contradicts wildly with the information known about the education levels of Iraqi refugees – forty-six percent (46%) arrived in Jordan with a Bachelor’s degree.

Widespread unemployment and economic insecurity has not only marginalized the Iraqis within Jordanian society – it has also altered the traditional gender roles, family relationships, and concepts of identity. These issues have been further stressed by the segmenting of families across borders and regions due to the security system, leading to increased anxiety, sadness, and loneliness in many families. Women are taking on greater roles in households in which husbands are absent or unable to find work. Approximately one-quarter of women participating in focus groups facilitated by the International Organization on Migration (IOM) reported incidents of domestic abuse in 2008. These compounding factors have increased feelings of isolation, alienation, and high levels of status-related insecurity among the Iraqi refugee population.

Perhaps the most complicated issue affecting the mental health of displaced Iraqis is the question of their future. There are seemingly three possible solutions to the Iraqi refugee crisis in Jordan – the first option is resettlement in a third country such as the United States, Canada, New Zealand, Australia or many nations in Western Europe. Resettlement is conducted through UNHRC and IOM and is an unlikely solution for the vast majority of refugees. To put the possibility of resettlement into context, the United States resettled approximately 7,000 Iraqis in 2007 out of total population of approximately 4 million worldwide. The second option for Iraqi refugees is full integration into Jordanian society—an option made nearly impossible due to the current legal and legislative policies held by the Jordanian government. The final option is voluntary return to Iraq – one that approximately 300 to 400 individuals have attempted with the aid of UNHRC within the past two years. This option is obviously dependent upon the security situation within Iraq as well as the economic and social opportunities it is able to offer its citizens in the next several years.

Given the many contributing factors affecting the mental well being of displaced Iraqis, a case can be made for providing these individuals with free mental health screenings and counseling within the first several months of their transition to Jordan. Unfortunately, Jordan is plagued by a severe shortage of mental health services available for Iraqis. In the public health system, the picture for mental health services is bleak –Jordan has only a few counselors, approximately three (3) to five (5) clinical psychologists, twenty-four (24) psychiatrists, a total of thirty (30) outpatient clinics, and 450 hospital beds for mental illness (IOM). The obvious short-term solution would be providing services through implementing partners. However, among the NGOS, only a few are able to offer mental health services and even then what is offered is not comprehensive or meant to be long-term. CARE, Mercy Corps and World Vision currently provide basic but limited counseling to the Iraqi communities. The International Rescue Committee has plans to develop a mobile unit for basic counseling and the World Health Organization (WHO) is developing trainings for specialized counseling for health professionals. Likewise, the International Medical Corps is offering training in mental health practices for general practitioners.

The mental health crisis among displaced Iraqis must be addressed through strong international support in the form of increased funding for trained mental health professionals, greater access to care facilities, extended outreach efforts by NGOs, and fuller integration of the Iraqi population into their host country. The International Organization for Migration report notes that any effort should not to seek to medicalize the issue within the population, but rather to integrate culturally appropriate solutions that allow for the reengagement of Iraqis into society. To do this, implementing partners will need to engage the community itself in finding solutions which can retain the traditions and integrity of the home and lives that they have left behind. If the crisis is not adequately and appropriately addressed, Jordan will likely be left bearing the social, economic, and security consequences for many years to come.